Ulrich Zwingli

For at least a century after Luther's death the great issue between Catholics and Protestants dominates the history of all the countries with which we have to do, except Italy and Spain, where Protestantism never took permanent root. In Switzerland, England, France, and Holland the revolt against the Medieval Church produced discord, wars, and profound changes, which must be understood in order to follow the later development of these countries.

We turn first to Switzerland, lying in the midst of the great chain of the Alps which extends from the Mediterranean to Vienna. During the Middle Ages the region destined to be included in the Swiss Confederation formed a part of the Holy Roman Empire and was scarcely distinguishable from the rest of southern Germany. As early as the thirteenth century the three "forest" cantons on the shores of the winding lake of Lucerne formed a union to protect their liberties against the encroachments of their neighbors, the Hapsburgs. It was about this tiny nucleus that Switzerland, gradually consolidated. Lucerne and the free towns of Zurich and Berne soon joined the Swiss league. By brave fighting the Swiss were able to frustrate the renewed efforts of the Hapsburgs to subjugate them.

Various districts in the neighborhood joined the Swiss union in succession, and even the region lying on the Italian slopes of the Alps was brought under its control. Gradually the bonds between the members of the union and the Empire were broken.

In 1499 they were finally freed from the jurisdiction of the emperor and Switzerland became a practically independent country. Although the original union had been made up of German-speaking people, considerable districts had been annexed in which Italian or French was spoken. The Swiss did not, therefore, form a compact, well-defined nation, and consequently for some centuries their confederation was weak and ill-organized.


In Switzerland the first leader of the revolt against the Church was a young priest named Zwingli, who was a year younger than Luther. He lived in the famous monastery of Einsiedeln, near the Lake of Zurich, which was the center of pilgrimages on account of a wonder-working image. "Here", he says, "I began to preach the Gospel of Christ in the year 1516, before any one in my locality had so much as heard the name of Luther".

Three years later he was called to an influential position as preacher in the cathedral of Zurich, and there his great work really commenced. He then began to denounce the abuses in the Church as well as the shameless traffic in soldiers, which he had long regarded as a blot upon his country's honor.

But the original cantons about the Lake of Lucerne, which feared that they might lose the great influence that, in spite of their small size, they had hitherto enjoyed, were ready to fight for the old faith. The first armed collision between the Swiss Protestants and Catholics took place at Kappel in 1531, and Zwmgtf fell in the battle. The various cantons and towns never came to an agreement in religious matters, and Switzerland is still part Catholic and part Protestant.


Switzerland had made a business, ever since the time when Charles VIII of France invaded Italy, of supplying troops of mercenaries to fight for other countries, especially for France and the pope, and Swiss guards may still be seen in the pope's palace.

The Cairo Geniza

The Cairo Geniza: a collection of documents (wills, business partnership documents, charity lists) related to the Jewish community of 10th-13th-century Cairo. These documents present a rare window onto the public and private history of non-elites (including marriage contracts, personal letters between family members, trousseau lists). They also represent a rare instance of documentary collections in the pre-Ottoman Middle East. These documents are mostly in Judeo-Arabic—Arabic (including some colloquial) spelled out in Hebrew script. You will learn the Hebrew script, as well as some basic paleography skills useful in reading Geniza texts, and will use the online Geniza browser to search the collection of almost 4000 edited documents.

In fact a wealth of medieval sources points to the undeniable presence of written documents, archives, and the traces of both in the region and their importance during the Middle Ages. One cache of documents - petitions and decrees from the archives of the caliphs and sultans who ruled from Cairo between 969 and 1517 - survived in an unlikely place: the lumber-room of the Ben Ezra Synagogue in Fustat (Old Cairo), known as the Cairo Geniza. Among hundreds of thousands of documents in Hebrew script, the Geniza also preserved scores of Arabic chancery documents, many of which bear no obvious evidence of a connection to the Jewish community. Some of them are now housed in the David Kauffmann collection of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Budapest.

I read informative book about (Cairo Geniza) for PAUL E. KAHLE. This reference was published in 1959 in New York. KAHLE said about his book: "THE original form of my book on the Cairo Geniza was in substance delivered as the British Academy Schweich Lectures for 1941". This book available in http://www.archive.org under title "The Cairo Geniza".

Hospitalers and Templars

A noteworthy outcome of the "crusading movement was the foundation of several curious orders, of which the Hospitalers and the Templars were the most important. These orders combined the two dominant interests of the time, those of the monk and of the soldier. They permitted a man to be both at once; the knight might wear a monkish cowl over his coat of armor.


(The Hospitaler here represented bears the peculiar Maltese cross on his bosom. His crucifix indicates his religious character, but his sword and the armor, which he wears beneath his long gown, enabled him to fight as well as pray and succor the wounded.)

The Hospitalers grew out of a monastic association that was formed before the First Crusade for the succor of the poor and sick among the pilgrims. Later the society admitted noble knights to its membership and became a military order, at the same time continuing its care for the sick. This charitable association, like the earlier monasteries, received generous gifts of land in Western Europe and built and controlled many fortified monasteries in the Holy Land itself. After the evacuation of Syria in the thirteenth century, the Hospitalers moved their headquarters to the island of Rhodes, and later to Malta. The order still exists, and it is considered a distinction to this day to have the privilege of wearing its emblem, the cross of Malta.

Before the Hospitalers were transformed into a military order, a little group of French knights banded together in 1119 to defend pilgrims on their way to Jerusalem from the attacks of the infidel. They were assigned quarters in the king's palace at Jerusalem, on the site of the former Temple of Solomon; hence the name “Templars”, which they were destined to render famous. The Church enthusiastically approved the “poor soldiers of the Temple”. They wore a white cloak adorned with a red cross, and were under a very strict monastic rule which bound them by the vows of obedience, poverty, and celibacy. The fame of the order spread throughout Europe, and the most exalted, even dukes and princes, were ready to renounce the world and serve Christ under its black and white banner, with the legend Non nobis, Domine.

The order was aristocratic from the first, and it soon became incredibly rich and independent. It had its collectors in all parts of Europe, who dispatched the “alms” they received to the Grand Master at Jerusalem. Towns, churches, and estates were given to the order, as well as vast sums of money. The king of Aragon proposed to bestow upon it a third of his kingdom. The pope showered privileges upon the Templars. They were exempted from tithes and taxes and were brought under his immediate jurisdiction; they were released from feudal obligations, and bishops were forbidden to excommunicate them for any cause.

No wonder they grew insolent and aroused the jealousy and hate of princes and prelates alike. Even Innocent III violently upbraided them for admitting to their order wicked men who then enjoyed all the privileges of churchmen. Early in the fourteenth century, through the combined efforts of the pope and Philip the Fair of France, the order was brought to a terrible end. Its members were accused of the most abominable practices, such as heresy, the worship of idols, and the systematic insulting of Christ and his religion. Many distinguished Templars were burned for heresy; others perished miserably in dungeons. The once powerful order was abolished and its property confiscated.

Results of The Crusades

The results of the crusades on the barons:

Another and still more noticeable result of the Crusades was the weakening of the power of those very barons who embarked in the wars. Their fanaticism recoiled upon themselves, and undermined their own system. Nothing could have happened more effectually to loosen the rigors of the feudal system. It was the baron and the knight that marched to Palestine who suffered most in the curtailment of the privileges which they had abused,--even as it was the Southern planter of Carolina who lost the most heavily in the war which he provoked to defend his slave property. In both cases the fetters of the serfs and slaves were broken by their own masters,--not intentionally, of course, but really and effectually. How blind men are in their injustices! They are made to hang on the gallows which they have erected for others. To gratify his passion of punishing the infidels, whom he so intensely hated, the baron or prince was obliged to grant great concessions to the towns and villages which he ruled with an iron hand, in order to raise money for his equipment and his journey. He was not paid by Government as are modern soldiers and officers. He had to pay his own expenses, and they were heavier than he had expected or provided for. Sometimes he was taken captive, and had his ransom to raise,--to pay for in hard cash, and not in land: as in the case of Richard of England, when, on his return from Palestine, he was imprisoned in Austria,--and it took to ransom him, as some have estimated, one third of all the gold and silver of the realm, chiefly furnished by the clergy. But where was the imprisoned baron to get the money for his ransom? Not from the Jews, for their compound interest of fifty per cent every six months would have ruined him in less than two years. But the village guilds had money laid by. Merchants and mechanics in the towns, whom he despised, had money. Monasteries had money. He therefore gave new privileges to all; he gave charters of freedom to towns; he made concessions to the peasantry.

As the result of this, when the baron came back from the wars, he found himself much poorer than when he went away,--he found his lands encumbered, his castle dilapidated, and his cattle sold. In short, he was, as we say of a proud merchant now and then, "embarrassed in his circumstances." He was obliged to economize. But the feudal family would not hear of retrenchment, and the baron himself had become more extravagant in his habits. As travel and commerce had increased he had new wants, which he could not gratify without parting with either lands or prerogatives. As the result of all this he became not quite so overbearing, though perhaps more sullen; for he saw men rising about him who were as rich as he,--men whom his ancestors had despised. The artisans, who belonged to the leading guilds, which had become enriched by the necessities of barons, or by that strange activity of trade and manufactures which war seems to stimulate as well as to destroy,--these rude and ignorant people were not so servile as formerly, but began to feel a sort of importance, especially in towns and cities, which multiplied wonderfully during the Crusades. In other words, they were no longer brutes, to be trodden down without murmur or resistance. They began to form what we call a "middle class." Feudalism, in its proud ages, did not recognize a middle class. The impoverishment of nobles by the Crusades laid the foundation of this middle class, at least in large towns.

The growth of cities:

The growth of cities and the decay of feudalism went on simultaneously; and both were equally the result of the Crusades. If the noble became impoverished, the merchant became enriched; and the merchant lived, not in the country, but in some mercantile mart. The crusaders had need of ships. These were furnished by those cities which had obtained from feudal sovereigns charters of freedom. Florence, Pisa, Venice, Genoa, Marseilles, became centres of wealth and political importance. The growth of cities and the extension of commerce went hand in hand. Whatever the Crusades did for cities they did equally for commerce; and with the needs of commerce came improvement in naval architecture. As commerce grew, the ships increased in size and convenience; and the products which the ships brought from Asia to Europe were not only introduced, but they were cultivated. New fruits and vegetables were raised by European husbandmen. Plum-trees were brought from Damascus and sugar-cane from Tripoli. Silk fabrics, formerly confined to Constantinople and the East, were woven in Italian and French villages. The Venetians obtained from Tyrians the art of making glass. The Greek fire suggested gunpowder. Architecture received an immense impulse: the churches became less sombre and heavy, and more graceful and beautiful. Even the idea of the arch, some think, came from the East. The domes and minarets of Venice were borrowed from Constantinople. The ornaments of Byzantine churches and palaces were brought to Europe. The horses of Lysippus, carried from Greece to Rome, and from Rome to Constantinople, at last surmounted the palace of the Doges. Houses became more comfortable, churches more beautiful, and palaces more splendid. Even manners improved, and intercourse became more polished. Chivalry borrowed many of its courtesies from the East. There were new refinements in the arts of cookery as well as of society. Literature itself received a new impulse, as well as science. It was from Constantinople that Europe received the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle, in the language in which it was written, instead of translations through the Arabic. Greek scholars came to Italy to introduce their unrivalled literature; and after Grecian literature came Grecian art. The study of Greek philosophy gave a new stimulus to human inquiry, and students flocked to the universities. They went to Bologna to study Roman law, as well as to Paris to study the Scholastic philosophy.

New civilization scattered over Europe:

Thus the germs of a new civilization were scattered over Europe. It so happened that at the close of the Crusades civilization had increased in every country of Europe, in spite of the losses they had sustained. Delusions were dispelled, and greater liberality of mind was manifest. The world opened up towards the East, and was larger than was before supposed. "Europe and Asia had been brought together and recognized each other." Inventions and discoveries succeeded the new scope for energies which the Crusades opened. The ships which had carried the crusaders to Asia were now used to explore new coasts and harbors. Navigators learned to be bolder. A navigator of Genoa, a city made by the commerce which the Crusades necessitated, crosses the Atlantic Ocean. As the magnetic needle, which a Venetian traveler brought from Asia, gave a new direction to commerce, so the new stimulus to learning which the Grecian philosophy effected led to the necessity of an easier form of writing; and printing appeared. With the shock which feudalism received from the Crusades, central power was once more wielded by kings, and standing armies supplanted the feudal. The crusaders must have learned something from their mistakes; and military science was revived. There is scarcely an element of civilization which we value, that was not, directly or indirectly, developed by the Crusades, yet which was not sought for, or anticipated even,--the centralization of thrones, the weakening of the power of feudal barons, the rise of free cities, the growth of commerce, the impulse given to art, improvements in agriculture, the rise of a middle class, the wonderful spread of literature, greater refinements in manners and dress, increased toleration of opinions, a more cheerful view of life, the simultaneous development of energies in every field of human labor, new hopes and aspirations among the people, new glories around courts, new attractions in the churches, new comforts in the villages, new luxuries in the cities. Even spiritual power became less grim and sepulchral, since there was less fear to work upon.

The Crusades produced marvelous change in the western society:

I do not say that the Crusades alone produced the marvelous change in the condition of society which took place in the thirteenth century, but they gave an impulse to this change. The strong sapling which the barbarians brought from their German forests and planted in the heart of Europe,--and which had silently grown in the darkest ages of barbarism, guarded by the hand of Providence,--became a sturdy tree in the feudal ages, and bore fruit when the barons had wasted their strength in Asia. The Crusades improved this fruit, and found new uses for it, and scattered it far and wide, and made it for the healing of the nations. Enterprise of all sorts succeeded the apathy of convents and castles. The village of mud huts became a town, in which manufactures began. As new wants became apparent, new means of supplying them appeared. The Crusades stimulated these wants, and commerce and manufactures supplied them. The modern merchant was born in Lombard cities, which supplied the necessities of the crusaders. Feudalism ignored trade, but the baron found his rival in the merchant-prince. Feudalism disdained art, but increased wealth turned peasants into carpenters and masons; carpenters and masons combined and defied their old masters, and these masters left their estates for the higher civilization of cities, and built palaces instead of castles. Palaces had to be adorned, as well as churches; and the painters and handicraftsmen found employment. So one force stimulated another force, neither of which would have appeared if feudal life had remained in (statu quo).

The only question to settle is, how far the marked progress of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries may be traced to the natural development of the Germanic races under the influence of religion, or how far this development was hastened by those vast martial expeditions, indirectly indeed, but really. Historians generally give most weight to the latter. If so, then it is clear that the most disastrous wars recorded in history were made the means--blindly, to all appearance, without concert or calculation--of ultimately elevating the European races, and of giving a check to the conquering fanaticism of the enemies with whom they contended with such bitter tears and sullen disappointments.

Bohemond and the Capture of Antioch

When the citadel of Antioch surrendered a week later', it was
decided to postpone the march on Jerusalem until November.
There is no cause for surprise in this. Rest was required after
the recent hardships. The season of the year was unfavorable.
The conditions in Antioch may be judged from the epidemic
which raged there for three months, from September to
November. It carried off hundreds among the knights alone.
But we may credit the leaders with another motive. It was
time to decide who should guard and maintain the northern
province. Baldwin's position in Edessa was undisputed. But
was Antioch to be given to Alexius or left in the hands of
Bohemond ? There was reason to suppose that the emperor's
action or inaction before the 1st of November would clear the
way for a decision of this embarrassing question.

If Alexius had been on the spot it may be assumed that he
would have received possession of Antioch and Cilicia. As
parts of the empire at a recent date they were to be restored to
him, according to agreement, provided he assisted the crusaders
in their enterprise. Bohemond's claim was subordinate to this.
Before the capture of Antioch he had astutely obtained a
provisional acknowledgment of his title, on the assumption that
Alexius might not join the Latins or might not give all the help
that he had promised. In June Latin fugitives met a Greek
army on the way to Antioch and painted the situation of their
recent comrades so darkly that the emperor marched back to
Constantinople. This was Bohemond's opportunity. After
Kerboga's defeat he exercised authority as the acknowledged
ruler of Antioch. Raymond of Toulouse, Bohemond's bitter
enemy, was evidently the only whole-hearted supporter of the
emperor. He alone refused to withdraw his men from the posts
which they occupied in Antioch. Still it was agreed to send an
embassy to Constantinople to ascertain the emperor's intentions,
and possibly a majority of the Latin chiefs may have hoped
that he would join them in November. Meantime, during the
summer, Bohemond and Tancred strengthened their position in
Cilicia and in the neighborhood of Antioch Raymond was
disabled for a time by illness but after his recovery captured
El-bara. Godfrey helped to secure his brother's authority in the
district of Tell Bashir and spent much of his time in Baldwin's
territory, coming and going to Antioch as occasion required.

The disputes regarding the lordship of Antioch reached a
crisis in November when the march to Jerusalem should have
been resumed. No communication had come from the emperor.
Bohemond demanded full possession of the town, and Raymond
opposed him. The Lorraine chiefs stood neutral. Time passed
and those of the rank and file whose chief object was the
delivery of Jerusalem grew restless. They had come for Christ's
sake, they said, and would start with him as their leader.

Toward the end of November Bohemond and Raymond
came to a partial understanding. They agreed to lay siege to
Marat en-numan which had been attacked already without
success in July. It is uncertain which of the other leaders took
part in the enterprise; Robert of Flanders was one. The
movement was probably represented as the beginning of the
march on Jerusalem. It is not likely, however, that the
agreement between Bohemond and Raymond went so far
Raymond may have thought that the movement would hasten
a united march on Jerusalem, while Bohemond may have
calculated that the siege would postpone it further. Raymond
invested Mara on the 26th of November. He was accompanied
by large numbers of those who chafed at the delay of the
crusading chiefs. Bohemond joined the besiegers on the 28th
soon after the first assault. The town was captured on the nth
of December. Then all the old disputes revived. Raymond wished
to give Mara to his protegé the bishop of El-bara.
Bohemond would not agree. Regarding the march to Jerusalem
Bohemond argued that it should be postponed until after Easter.
Raymond hesitated. Then in response to urgent entreaties, he
announced that he would start in fifteen days. The Norman
prince mocked at this but had reason to be satisfied. He
returned to Antioch. Only Robert of Normandy and Tancred,
of the other leaders, joined Raymond, in spite of his persuasions.
The multitude of pilgrims who tore down the walls of Mara
when they heard of the proposal to garrison the city and postpone
the march on Jerusalem, did not add greatly to the strength of
his army. The town was burned before the Latins started south,
on the 13th of January. From that time Bohemond was lord of

The Crusaders in Asia Minor

The establishment of the Seljuk sultanate of Rum has been
already alluded to. Its territories, as the name implies, were
acquired at the expense of the Roman empire of the East,
that is of the Byzantine empire. Previous to the battle of
, in 1071, the luckless Armenians on the borders
of the empire were the principal sufferers at the hands of the
advancing Turks. But after that date Asia Minor was rapidly
over-run. Within ten years the greater part of it was subdued
by the Turks. They established their capital at Nicea, which
was at no great distance from Constantinople itself. It was
fear_of this new power that drove Alexius to appeal for help
to the kings of Western Christendom. The first Moslems with
whom the~ crusaders measured arms were the soldiers of Kilij
Arslan of Rum (1092-1107). Their success profoundly influenced
the position of the Greek empire in Asia Minor. It
may be said to have delayed the Turkish invasion of Europe
for three centuries and a half.

Within a few years of the capture of Nicea, in June 1097,
Alexius regained nearly half of Asia Minor. The geographical
position of the new Moslem capital, Iconium, marks the
difference in the situation. But the sultanate of Rum does not
play a great part in the history of the Latins themselves.

The goal of the crusade lay beyond Asia Minor and the dominions
of Kilij Arslan. After the strength of the crusaders had been
shown at Doryleum, Kilij Arslan's policy was to see them safely
out of his dominions. Their occupation of Syria concerned him
little. He was protected from them by the ranges of the Taurus.
His attention besides was fully occupied by his contest with the
Greeks. In that the Latins took no further share. They
regarded the service they had rendered the emperor as merely
incidental to the accomplishment of their own purposes.

The main body of the crusaders did not directly continue
their march to S)ma after they had passed the territories of
Kilij Arslan. At Heraclea, the modem Eregli, they turned
sharply north and made a long detour through Armenia Minor.
In this district there was no powerful ruler or sovereign to
oppose them. Nominally it was subject to the sultan of Bagdad,
whose intervention was only a remote contingency. The presence
of a large and friendly Armenian population was the cardinal
feature of the situation. These Christians had been driven by
the Turks from their old homes by sufferings such as again
recently have been their lot in Armenia Minor, their new home.
They occupied the Taurus ranges and the country to the west
and east, portions of Cilicia, western Mesopotamia, and
Euphratesia, or the country between the Euphrates and the Taurus.
The border lands between Asia Minor and Mesopotamia were
recent Turkish conquests and imperfectly subdued. There
were still towns and castles held by Greek and Armenian
governors, and even the beginnings of a new Armenian princedom.

Without doubt the situation was known from the first
to some of the Latin chiefs. The mere presence of the Latin
army was sufficient to secure the country. Its march northwards
away from the goal of the crusade is explained by these
facts. The assistance rendered to the Armenian towns was
amply rewarded. The crusaders found welcome allies and a
base of operations against Syria proper.

You can read:

The Siege of Antioch

Baldwin establishes Edessa

Origin of The Crusades

It is not a little remarkable that the earliest cause of the Crusades, so far as I am able to trace, was the adoption by the European nations of some of the principles of Eastern theogonies which pertained to self-expiation. An Asiatic theological idea prepared the way for the war between Europe and Asia. The European pietist embraced the religious tenets of the Asiatic monk, which centred in the propitiation of the Deity by works of penance. One of the approved and popular forms of penance was a pilgrimage to sacred places, seen equally among degenerate Christian sects in Asia Minor, and among the Mohammedans of Arabia. What place so sacred as Jerusalem, the scene of the passion and resurrection of our Lord? Ever since the Empress Helena had built a church at Jerusalem, it had been thronged with pious pilgrims. A pilgrimage to old Jerusalem would open the doors of the New Jerusalem, whose streets were of gold, and whose palaces were of pearls.

At the close of the tenth century there was great suffering in Europe, bordering on despair. The calamities of ordinary life were so great that the end of the world seemed to be at hand. Universal fear of impending divine wrath seized the minds of men. A great religious awakening took place, especially in England, France, and Germany. In accordance with the sentiments of the age, there was every form of penance to avert the anger of God and escape the flames of hell. The most popular form of penance was the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, long and painful as it was. Could the pilgrim but reach that consecrated spot, he was willing to die. The village pastor delivered the staff into his hands, girded him with a scarf, and attached to it a leathern scrip. Friends and neighbors accompanied him a little way on his toilsome journey, which lay across the Alps, through the plains of Lombardy, over Illyria and Pannonia, along the banks of the Danube, by Moesia and Dacia, to Belgrade and Constantinople, and then across the Bosphorus, through Bithynia, Cilicia, and Syria, until the towers and walls of Tyre, Ptolemais, and Caesarea proclaimed that he was at length in the Holy Land. Barons and common people swell the number of these pilgrims. The haughty knight, who has committed unpunished murders, and the pensive saint, wrapt in religious ecstasies, rival each other in humility and zeal. Those who have no money sell their lands. Those who have no lands to sell throw themselves on Providence, and beg their way for fifteen hundred miles among strangers. The roads are filled with these travellers,--on foot, in rags, fainting from hunger and fatigue. What sufferings, to purchase the favor of God, or to realize the attainment of pious curiosity! The heart almost bleeds to think that our ancestors could ever have been so visionary and misguided; that such a gloomy view of divine forgiveness should have permeated the Middle Ages.

The Rights and Privileges in The Feudal System

So as to understand the numerous charges, dues, and servitudes, often as quaint as iniquitous and vexations, which weighed on the lower orders during the Middle Ages, we must remember how the upper class, who assumed to itself the privilege of oppression on lands and persons under the feudal System, was constituted.

The Roman nobles, heirs to their fathers' agricultural dominions, succeeded for the most part in preserving through the successive invasions of the barbarians, the influence attached to the prestige of birth and wealth; they still possessed the greater part of the land and owned as vassals the rural populations. The Grerman nobles, on the contrary, had not such extended landed properties, but they appropriated all the strongest positions. The dukes, counts, and marquises were generally of German origin. The Roman race, mixed with the blood of the various nations it had subdued, was the first to infuse itself into ancient Society, and only furnished barons of a secondary order.

These heterogeneous elements, brought together, with the object of common dominion, constituted a body who found life and motion only in the traditions of Rome and ancient Germany. From these two historical sources, as is very judiciously pointed out by M. Mary-Lafon, issued all the habits of the new society, and particularly the rights and privileges assumed by the nobility.

These rights and privileges, which we are about to pass summarily in review, were numerous, and often curious: amongst them may be mentioned:

The rights of treasure trove (the underground treasures)

The rights of wreck

The rights of establishing fairs or markets

The rights of marque

The rights of sporting or hunting

The right of jurisdiction

The right of safe convoy or guidance

The right of the Crown