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Routes of the French and German armies in the Second Crusade

The second crusade was in answer to the fall of Edessa in 1144. Its aspiration was St Bernard who in 1146 persuaded both Louis VII of France and the German Emperor Conrad III to enter. The road picked out was through Hungary and crosswise the Balkans. The Germans arrived at Constantinople in September 1147 and the French came in October. The Germans were arrested by the Turks near Dorylaion and connected up with the French who were bordering down the west coast of Asia Minor.

Routes of the French and German armies in the Second Crusade

Conrad fell ill and came back to Constantinople, where he took ship to Palestine. Louis agitated his way to Attaleia, wherefrom he was ferried by the Byzantines to Antioch. Damascus was elect as the destination of the crusade. A brief besieging (24–28 July 1148) broke up in disarray. As a participant ascertained, ‘if it brought no worldly achiever, it was good for the redemption of many souls’. Assorted with this crusade were an English outing which appropriated Lisbon from the Muslims (October 1147) and a Saxon campaign crosswise the Elbe versus the Slavic Wends.

Recent Posts:

* Western Europe at the time of the Second Crusade
* The Crusader States in The East

Map of The Routes of the First Crusade

In 1095, Pope Urban II started preaching for an expedition to the Holy Land in reaction to a request by Alexius I Comnenus [the Byzantine emperor], for mercenary soldiers to fight the Seljuk Turks. But the western answer was altogether more ambitious, asking huge numbers of military pilgrims under their own leaders, who crossed Europe and Asia Minor to reach Syria, and arrived Jerusalem in 1099. They initiated a series of outside campaigns (crusades as they were later called) which mobilized the military possible of Christendom. Initially, the crusaders found the new conditions challenging: the heat, difficult terrain, and the fluid tactics of a nomadic enemy. The big siege of Antioch taught them how to overcome the Muslims in battle and worked a veteran force. At Jerusalem, their mastery of siege technology achieved their goal.

Map of The Routes of the First Crusade

Crusading needed a high level of organisation. Forces had to be raised which would retain military effectiveness for a campaign which might last years in competitive territory far from home. Logistical support would be a constant problem. The First Crusade, the frrst expedition of its kind, was a prevail of improvisation. The troops were advanced by several powerful princes: Raymond, count of St Gilles from south of France; from the north, Godfrey of Bouillon, his brothers, the counts of Flanders and Boulogne, also Robert duke of Normandy who mortgaged the duchy to stock his forces; and the Normans of the south of Italy, led by Bohemond of Taranto. He was experienced in warfare against Alexius and his Turkish mercenaries, and a man of unlimited aspiration and litde scruple, like his nephew Tancred. There was no clear command structure among these known princes. Urban did not follow the expedition, but charged as his legate Adhemar, bishop ofLe Puy. Raymond also needed leaders, but the other princes were unWilling to give him priority.

References:

Angus MacKay, Atlas of medieval europe, London 1997, P. 87.

Nicholas Hooper, The Cambridge illustrated atlas of warfare : the Middle Ages, Cambridge University Press 1996, P. 86.


Council of Clermont (November 1095)

In August of the year 1095, Pope Urban II here in south of France. Urban was a pope intensely committed to Church reform and he planned to see to it personally. He directed letters from Le Puy passion for a universal Church meeting in November at the city of Clermont. He depleted September and October visiting different towns, interviewing bishops and abbots, distributing praise or punishment as he saw fit. He gets in in Clermont in mid-November.

The Council sat from the 18th through the 28th of November. It was a large Council with over three hundred clerics presence. The Council approved reforming rescripts in custody with the Cluniac reform movement, including ones concerning simony and religious marriage. At this Council, also, King Philip of France was cursed for betrayal.

The pope besides made an proclamation that a communal session would be detained Tuesday 27 November at which the pope would make an important address to the common broadcast. This bent a good apportion of activity, and numerous people from the walking areas came to Clermont to consider the pope's conditions.

There are 6 chief sources of information about this portion of the meeting: Fulcher of Chartres, Robert the Monk, Baldric of Dol, and Guibert de Nogent, who were apparently bring at the council; also the Gesta Francorum or The Deeds of the Franks, and a letter written by Urban himself in December of 1095.

According to Fulcher, Urban addressed assorted abuses of the church such as simony and the require of attachment to the quiet and Peace of God. He then required western Christians, penniless and rich, to come to the aid of the Greeks in the east, because "God wills it." Fulcher account that Urban promised decrease of blunders for those who went to the east, though he maybe did not mean what later came to be named pampering.

Robert the Monk, prose about 20 years after the council, recorded that Urban's stress was on reconquering the Holy Land quite than assisting the Greeks. According to Robert, Urban listed assorted dreadful offenses of the Muslims, but did not allusion indulgences or direct anybody but knights to go. Robert's account was essentially an full version of the speaking recorded in the anonymous Gesta Francorum, written around 1100.

Baldrick as well based his account on the Gesta Francorum, and wrote about the same time; he too alert on the offenses of the Muslims and the reconquest of the Holy Land. Like Fulcher he too recorded that Urban deplored the force of the Christian Knights, and required to put it to better use against the Muslims.

Guibert of Nogent also recorded that Urban's emphasize was reconquest of the Holy Land, but not ncessarily to help the Greeks or other Christians there; Urban's speaking, in Nogent's edition, said that the Holy Land must be in Christian possession so that prophecies about the end of the world could be completed.

Urban's own letter does not allusion Jerusalem at all; he only calls for help for the Eastern Churches, and appoints Adhemar of Le Puy to command the Crusade.

On the last day of the council, a common name was sent out to the knights and noblemen of France. Urban himself spent a few months preaching the Crusade in France, during which time the stress presumably turned from plateful Alexius to spiritual Jerusalem; the common universe, upon earshot about the Council, perhaps realized this to be the aspect of the Crusade in the first place.

Previous Posts:

- Speech of pope Urban II at Clermont 1095
- First Crusade 1095-1099
- Saladin
- Arsuf Battle
- William of Tyre (The Greatest crusade historians)

Fulcher of Chartres

Overscrutiny:

Fulcher of Chartres (intuitive around 1059 in or near Chartres) was a accountr of the First campaign. He wrote in Latin.

Fulcher's Life:

His apthingment as chaplain of Baldwin of Boulogne in 1097 recommtops that he had been educated as a priest, most probable at the teach in Chartres. However, he was maybe not a part of the cathedral piece, while he is not named in the roll of the Dignitaries of the cathedral of Our woman of Chartres.

The minutiae of the committee of Clermont in his saga recommend he attended the assembly personally, or knew superstar who did, perhaps bishop Ivo of Chartres, who also influenced Fulcher's opinions on cathedral reform and the investiture controversy with the Holy Roman Empire.

Fulcher was part of the train of reckon Stephen of Blois and Robert of Normandy which made its way through southern France and Italy in 1096, crossing into the complex Empire from Bari and indoors in Constantinople in 1097, where they coupled with the other armies of the First crusade. He travelled through Asia youth to Marash, quickly before the throng's arrival at Antioch in 1097, where he was apthinged chaplain to Baldwin of Boulogne. He followed his new noble after Baldwin leave off from the foremost throng, to Edessa where Baldwin founded the region of Edessa.

After the victory of Jerusalem in 1099 Fulcher and Baldwin travelled to the city to overall their vow of pilgrimage. When Baldwin became ruler of Jerusalem in 1100, Fulcher came with him to Jerusalem and maybe constant to act as his chaplain pfinale 1115. After 1115 he was the tenet of the cathedral of the Holy Sepulchre and was maybe responsible for the remnants and riches in the minster. Fulcher died most probable in the coil of 1127.

Fulcher's account:

At the initial, Fulcher began his account in the minute autumn of 1100, or at the minutest in the coil of 1101, in a panache that has not outlived but which was transmitted to Europe during his time. This panache was overalld around 1106 and was shabby as a well by Guibert of Nogent, a contemporary of Fulcher in Europe.

He began his work at the urging of his travelling companions, who maybe included Baldwin I. He had at snubest one store in Jerusalem at his disposal, from which he had access to mail and other documents of the campaign. In this store the Historia Francorum of Raymond of Aguilers and the Gesta Francorum must also have been vacant, which served as wells for greatly of the definite information in Fulcher's work that he did not personally witness.

Fulcher alienated his account into three books. Book I described the preparations for the First campaign in Clermont in 1095 up to the victory of Jerusalem and the establishment of the queendom of Jerusalem by Godfrey of Bouillon. It included an enthereforeiastic description of Constantinople. The back book described the deeds of Baldwin I, who succeeded Godfrey and was ruler of Jerusalem from 1100 to 1118. The third and ultimate book reported on the life of ruler Baldwin II, pfinale 1127 when there was a plague in Jerusalem, during which Fulcher apparently died. The back and third books were printed from around 1109 to 1115, and from 1118 to 1127, compiled into a back text by Fulcher himself.

Fulcher's work was shabby by many other accountrs who lived after him. William of Tyre and William of Malmesbury shabby part of the account as a well. His account is normally accurate, still not totally so. It was available in the Recueil des historiens des croisades and the Patrologia Latina, and a vital text of the Latin panache was available by Heinrich Hagenmeyer in 1913.

Previous Posts:

- William of Tyre
- Guibert of Nogent
- Anna Comnena

Battle of Manzikert

In the eve of 1071:

One of the best disasters to ensue the Byzantine band. The Seljouk turks had been threatening the eastern limits of the Byzantine empire for some years, lacking posing any significant hazard, but in 1071 their chief, Alp Arslan, gathered a enormous compel, perhaps even as large as 100,000 men, and invaded the eastern empire. The Byzantine Emperor, Romanus Diogenes, had gained the throne through matrimony, and ruled as dual emperor with his step-son. He had only been on the throne while 1068, and was not yet safely established. The Turks had crossed the border, and full the fortresses of Akhlat and Manzikert (now in current Turkey). Romanus Diogenes gathered a giant army, though he was still outnumbered by the Turks, and complex to the border, where he recaptured Akhlat and was besieging Manzikert when the Turks inwards.


The Battle:

The Byzantine military formed up, and superior towards the Turks, who refused to booth and attack, instead with the mobility of their horse-archers to aggravate the advancing Byzantines. Eventually, after numerous hours, Romanus Diogenes planned the withdrawal, intending to arrival to his camp for the night. The withdrawal was not as flat as the advance, and some gaps opened in the line. The Turks agitated the retreating columns, awaiting the Emperor gave the order to alter and argue. At this advantage betrayal played a part in the adversity. The rearguard, commanded by Andronicus Ducas, an adversary of Romanus Diogenes, austerely chronic back to the camp, ignoring the order to alter, and departure the central army to its chance. Once the rearguard was consumed, the Turks were able to outflank the Byzantines, and eventually surround them. To make things inferior, one border of the Byzantine army was sufficiently detached from the central coerce for it to be affected to argue separately. The Byzantines held out awaiting dark, but eventually they were overhelmed. The Emperor himself was captured, and the body of the army cracked.

Manzikert results:

The main answer of the battle was to abandon Asia Minor entirely at the mercy of the Turks. Their bands were able to devastate what is now advanced Turkey almost at will, while what was left of the Byzantine band was complex in the civil wars that followed the defeat. What had been flourishing, abundant, long advanced areas in the affection of the Byzantine empire became virtual desert. Inside ten years of the battle of Manzikert, the Turks had reached Nicea, inside sight of the capital of the Empire. Very few battles had such dramatic and far-reaching property.

Shepherds Crusade 1320

A break movement occurred in May 1320 in Normandy, when a teenage shepherd claimed to have been visited by the Holy Spirit, which instructed him to argument the Moors in Spain. Alike to the 1251 crusade, this faction included commonly immature men, women, and children. They marched to Paris to ask Philip V to advantage them, but he refused to convene with them at all.

Instead they marched south to Aquitaine, attacking castles, majestic officials, priests, and lepers along the way. Their customary targets, however, were Jews, whom they attacked at Saintes, Verdun, Cahors, Albi, and Toulouse, which they reached on June 12. Pope John XXII, in Avignon, gave commands to cease them. When they eventually crossed into Spain, their attacks on the Jews were well-known, and James II of Aragon vowed to guard his citizens. At first they were prohibited from incoming the kingdom at all, but when they did enter in July, James warned all his nobles to make certainly the Jews were reserved careful.

As estimated the shepherds did bout some Jews, especially at the bastion of Montclus, where over 300 Jews were killed. James's son Alfonso was sent out to carry them under contain. Those responsible for the bloodbath at Montclus were arrested and executed. There were no added incidents and the crusade detached.

This "crusade" is seen as a revolt against the French dominion, fairly like the first Shepherds Crusade. Jews were seen as a emblem of royal power, as they were personally confined by the king both in France and in Aragon, and a badge of the royal budget as well, hated by deficient and closely taxed peasants. Only a few time previously, the Jews had been permitted to gain to France, after being debarred in 1306. Any debts allocated to the Jews were collected by the monarchy after their ejection, which doubtless also contributed to the peasant connection of the Jews with the king.

In 1321, King Philip fined those communities in which Jews had been killed. This led to a second revolt, this time among the city population, though later chroniclers imaginary the idea of a "cowherds' crusade," a second wave of the Shepherds' Crusade. Though this never occurred, there were, however, more attacks on Jews as a effect of the fines.

- Shepherds Crusade 1251
- First Crusade 1095-1099
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Second Crusade 1147-1149
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The Third Crusade
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Fourth Crusade 1204

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